The Ongoing Russification of Belarus: Cultural Identity Under Siege

Russification in Belarus: A Cultural Shift

As the school year commenced in Belarus, Mikalay, a 15-year-old student, found himself in a disconcerting situation. His teachers and school administrators no longer addressed him by his given name. Instead, they referred to him as Nikolai, the Russian equivalent. To further complicate matters, his classes had transitioned to being taught in Russian, a departure from the Belarusian language he had spoken for most of his life.

This shift is emblematic of a broader trend of Russification currently sweeping across Belarus, as Moscow intensifies its efforts to expand its political, economic, and cultural influence, effectively overshadowing the unique identity of this neighboring nation. This is not a new phenomenon; historically, during both the czarist and Soviet periods, Russia imposed its language, symbols, and cultural institutions upon Belarus. However, following the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, Belarus began to reclaim its cultural heritage. Belarusian was briefly designated as the official language, and the national flag was changed to the white-red-white design, replacing the Soviet emblem featuring the red hammer and sickle.

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The political landscape began to shift dramatically in 1994 when Alexander Lukashenko, a former Soviet collective farm official, assumed power. He made the controversial decision to recognize Russian as an official language alongside Belarusian and eliminated nationalist symbols from the public sphere. Now, after more than three decades of Lukashenko’s rule, Russia has come to dominate various facets of life in Belarus, which is home to 9.5 million people. The Belarusian language has become increasingly rare in the streets of Minsk and other major cities, with official business conducted primarily in Russian, and the media largely dominated by Russian content. Lukashenko himself exclusively uses Russian, and government officials frequently sidestep using the Belarusian language.

Belarus remains economically tethered to Russia, relying heavily on Russian loans and access to affordable energy. This relationship has fostered a political and military alliance, allowing President Vladimir Putin to station troops and missiles in Belarus, effectively using it as a launching point for the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

Svetlana Alexievich, the 2015 Nobel Prize winner in Literature and a Belarusian expatriate, poignantly remarked, “I understand that our Belarus is occupied. … And who is the president there? Not Lukashenko. The president is Putin. The nation has been humiliated, and it will be very difficult for Belarusians to recover from this.”

The situation for Belarusian cultural figures has become dire, with rampant persecution and the closure of hundreds of nationalist organizations. Experts suggest Moscow aims to implement a model in Belarus similar to its initial ambitions for Ukraine when the war erupted in 2022. “It is clear that our children are being systematically stripped of their native language, history, and Belarusian identity. However, parents are strongly discouraged from questioning the ongoing Russification,” shared Anatoly, a father of a Belarusian student, who requested anonymity due to concerns over repercussions.

“We were informed about the synchronization of the educational curriculum with Russia this year and shown a propaganda film accusing Ukrainian special services of allegedly recruiting our teenagers for sabotage activities in Belarus,” he continued. Only a handful of schools have managed to maintain a semblance of Belarusian language instruction. In recent years, one such school witnessed the dismissal of dozens of its teachers, and its Belarusian-language website has since vanished.

Lukashenko has openly criticized the Belarusian language, stating, “Nothing great can be expressed in Belarusian. … There are only two great languages in the world: Russian and English.”

Historically, Belarus was part of the Russian Empire for centuries and became one of the 15 Soviet republics following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. The everyday use of the Belarusian language diminished significantly, surviving primarily in the western, northern, and rural regions of the country. In 1994, around 40% of students received their education in Belarusian; today, that figure has plummeted to under 9%. Speaking Belarusian has come to symbolize opposition to Lukashenko’s regime and a declaration of national identity, particularly highlighted during the mass protests following the disputed 2020 election that granted Lukashenko a sixth term. In the wake of a severe crackdown, approximately half a million people fled the country.

In a paradoxical twist, “more individuals wish to speak Belarusian, which has evolved into a symbol of freedom, yet they fear doing so publicly,” noted Alina Nahornaja, the author of “Language 404,” which explores the discrimination faced by Belarusians for using their native language.

Similar to Ukrainians, many Belarusians have expressed a desire for closer ties with Europe, intertwining their nationalistic sentiments with aspirations for freedom. “But the Kremlin quickly recognized the potential threat and initiated a process of creeping Russification in Belarus,” remarked Belarusian analyst Valery Karbalevich. This strategy has given rise to pro-Russian organizations, joint educational programs, and cultural initiatives emerging “like mushrooms after the rain,” occurring against a backdrop of severe repression of anything Belarusian.

During celebrations marking Independence Day in Minsk, Belarusian athletes proudly carry the national flag, yet censorship and restrictions impact not only contemporary Belarusian literature but also its classical works. In 2023, the prosecutor’s office declared the 19th-century poetry of Vincent Dunin-Martsinkyevich, a vocal critic of the Russian Empire, as extremist.

When the Kremlin bolstered Lukashenko against the anti-government protests in 2020, it solidified his loyalty and received free rein in Belarus. “Today, Lukashenko is paying Putin with our sovereignty,” stated exiled opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. She emphasized that “Belarusian national identity, culture, and language serve as our strongest defenses against the Russian world and the ongoing Russification.” In February, she posted on X that “being labeled as ‘extremist’ means loving your country and speaking your language.”

In a counter-response to these developments, four cities in Belarus now host a “Russia House,” aimed at promoting Russian culture and influence through seminars, film clubs, exhibitions, and competitions. “The objective is to instill Russian narratives, ensuring that as many Belarusians as possible perceive Russian as their own,” explained analyst Alexander Friedman. “The Kremlin spares no expense and operates on a grand scale, which poses a significant threat in a context where Belarus finds itself in information isolation, leaving few to resist the encroaching Russian influence.”

Latushka commented, “Putin published an article denying the existence of an independent Ukraine back in 2021, and even then we understood perfectly well that he was pursuing similar goals in Belarus.”